Moch Nur Ichwan
@uin-suka.ac.id
Lecturer, School of Graduate Studies
Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Kalijaga
Born on 24 October 1970
EDUCATION
Ph.D. in Religious Studies and Theology, Tilburg University, the Netherlands, November 2006.
MA in Islamic Studies, Leiden University, September 1999.
BA in Islamic Studies, Faculty of Islamic Theology (Usuluddin), State Institute of Islamic Studies (IAIN) Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta, 1995.
RESEARCH INTERESTS
Religion and Politics; Religious governance; Shari'a Politics; Islamic Hermeneutics
Scopus Publications
Scholar Citations
Scholar h-index
Scholar i10-index
Scopus Publications
Moch Nur Ichwan and Martin Slama
Informa UK Limited
ABSTRACT The article analyses discourses of Islamic actors in Indonesia about the state ideology Pancasila (lit. Five Pillars). It discerns three discursive positions that exist in Indonesia since its independence, namely full acceptance of Pancasila as the state ideology, complementing Pancasila with Islamic law, and outright rejection of Pancasila and its replacement by (political interpretations of) Islam. Having a particular focus on the post-Suharto era (since 1998), the article compares more recent discourses with the ones from earlier phases in Indonesia’s post-colonial history indicating discursive (dis)continuities. It is particularly concerned with reinterpretations of the first pillar of the Pancasila, that is the belief in the One and Only God, that is today used by conservative and Islamist figures to call for the implementation of Islamic law. The article argues that this indicates a major shift in discursive positions, as the rejection of Pancasila and its complementation with Islamic law have become increasingly illegitimate views. Under present political conditions in Indonesia, the article concludes, the only position that is left for the Islamist camp is to accept Pancasila as it is and to combine it with a reinterpretation of the first pillar as guarantor for the implementation of Islamic law.
Moch. Nur Ichwan
Studia Islamika, Center for the Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University of Jakarta
This article aims to explain why organized queer activism emerged in Aceh, but could endure only in about six years (from 2008 to 2014). It is argued that this has mainly caused by massive expansion of ‘shari‘a spheres’ since 2001 supported by national and local government and parliament legal-political back up and societal religio-cultural forces on the one hand, and weak nature of the queer movements as counterpublics, characterized with the inadequate resources mobilization, especially in leadership and in getting support from its social movement communities during the crises on the other hand. Shari‘a, which is heteronormative, have been used as discursive and embodied disciplinary power of sexuality for normalizing and excluding the queer (including lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender/LGBT). Their organized visibility triggered the issuance of the Qanun Jinayah in 2014, which includes punishment for same-sex activities. It caused them to dissolve their own queer organizations.
Dedy Sumardi, Ratno Lukito, and Moch Nur Ichwan
Universitas Islam Negeri Ar-Raniry
This article aims to analyze various legal traditions working within the implementation of Islamic law after special autonomy in Aceh. Although Aceh's legal system follows the national legal system derived from civil law, diverse legal traditions still exist. The scope of this study is limited to the interaction of Aceh's legal traditions by taking the construction of juvenile and immoral criminal law and describing the social authorities who also operate the legal tradition to the parties in the case. This study presents the results using a case study model. Data obtained from interviews and documentation, analyzed using an interlegality approach. Based on the results of data analysis, it was found that the dialectic of legal traditions is determined by the role of actors acting as companions for victims to ensure that the rights of victims are not neglected. The traditions of Islamic law, customary law, and laws for protecting women and children are used interchangeably. The effort to combine these three legal traditions was carried out to obtain justice and guarantee the fulfillment of the victim's civil rights, such as the right to continue education, to relieve the trauma caused by the psychological pressure. The amalgamation of legal traditions in Aceh is an effective way to achieve justice for women and children and the construction of new laws to develop a national legal system that favors the interests of victims.
Moch Nur Ichwan, Arskal Salim, and Eka Srimulyani
Informa UK Limited
ABSTRACT This article aims at examining the recent (re)construction of citizenship in Aceh, which is based on sharia as well as on ethno-religious nationalism, and the impact of this (re)construction on minority rights in the province. Because sharia has become a cultural, social, political and legal fact in Aceh, the province has gradually created its own notion of civic belonging, which departs from national citizenship, defined by religion and protected by religious ethno-nationalism. It is argued that such religious ethno-nationalism has created what we call dormant citizenship, in which citizens of Aceh are divided on the basis of religious affiliation into ‘ummatic citizens’, who are considered as the ‘hosts’ of the sharia land with their full rights, and non-ummatic citizens, who are considered as ‘guests’ with only partial rights provided by the ‘hosts’. We shall also argue that dormant citizenship is a synthesis between four political traditions: Islamic, ethnic, Indonesian, and Western. At the end of this article, we shall outline some conditions that might enable non-Muslims to enjoy much broader rights.
Moch. Nur Ichwan
State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel
The Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI) has played an important role in guarding the Sunni orthodoxy in contemporary Indonesia. As it has chapters in almost parts of Indonesia in the provincial, district and municipality level, this role has been also translated into the local context. The strength of the MUI stems from “semi-officiality” and “semi-representative” nature of the organisation. This article is aimed to analyse this role in the post-New Order period, after the establishment of the Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI) of Banten province in 2001, especially in dealing with deviant beliefs or sects and shirk (polytheist) and bid‘ah (religious innovation) practices. It is to show that orthodoxy and heterodoxy is not purely religious, but also political, as this is related to the problem of authority and power.
M. N. Ichwan
Oxford University Press (OUP)