Vali Golmohammadi
@en.modares.ac.ir
Assistant professor, Department of International Relations, Faculty of Humanities
Tarbiat Modares university
Vali Golmohammadi Ph.D. is an Assistant Professor at Tarbiat Modares University, Department of International Relations, Tehran, and a visiting scholar at Bilkent University, Ankara. He is a lecturer at the World Studies Faculty of Tehran University and Senior Fellow in the Center for Middle East Strategic Studies. He is also a non-resident fellow at the Institute for Political and International Studies of Irans Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
EDUCATION
PhD
International Relations
International Relations, Tarbiat Modares University, Tehran, Iran
RESEARCH, TEACHING, or OTHER INTERESTS
Arts and Humanities, Political Science and International Relations, Political Science and International Relations
Scopus Publications
Scholar Citations
Scholar h-index
Scholar i10-index
Scopus Publications
Vali Golmohammadi, , Sergey M. Markedonov, , , , and
Foreign Policy Research Foundation
As the geopolitical landscape of the South Caucasus continues to evolve, multiple divergent interests are bringing new dynamics into the Iran-Turkey relations. The article explores Iran’s changing perceptions concerning the South Caucasus in general and Turkey’s assertive geopolitical activism in the region, in particular. The authors argue that, given Turkey’s increasing influence in the South Caucasus and Iran’s decreasing footprint in the region, the current geopolitical and geo-economic trends are likely to bring more conflict into the Iran-Turkey regional rivalry. Tehran is apprehensive of several key insecurities stemming from Ankara’s growing activism in the South Caucasus. Apart from historical disagreements between Iran and Turkey over the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict, the East-West transit corridors and pan-Turkism in a bigger picture, Tehran perceives the underlying developments in the region as part of the West’s “geopolitical plot” of containing Iran, in which Turkey plays a strategic role. Consequently, the South Caucasus is increasingly becoming an additional source of regional confrontation between Iran and Turkey.
Seyed Masoud Mousavi Shafaee and Vali Golmohammadi
Wiley
AbstractThis article analyzes the logic of recent instability and disorder in the Middle East. It offers two interrelated arguments. First, the region has turned into a battle zone in the aftermath of US retrenchment. The United States and other external powers refrained from direct engagement in shaping Middle Eastern order and, therefore, aspirant regional powers were prompted to redesign that order. Second, what makes instability and disorder a geopolitical feature of the Middle East is the “regional‐supremacy trap,” the seduction of a power vacuum and a desire for regional hegemony, a trap that draws all influential actors into a series of endless and cumulative conflicts. According to our findings, there is a meaningful relationship between the instability and the regional power struggle for supremacy in the post‐American Middle East. As there is no sign of cooperative mechanisms for shaping the regional order by the major Middle Eastern actors, the syndrome of disorder will continue for the foreseeable future.
ولی گل محمدی
در این نوشتار به‌دنبال درک نظام‌مند ماهیت مشارکت راهبردی ترکیه و روسیه در شرایط گذار نظام بین‌الملل هستیم. برخلاف بسیاری از دیدگاه‌های غالب که از چرخش ژئوپلیتیکی سیاست خارجی ترکیه به اوراسیا و پدیدارشدن روابط راهبردی میان ترکیه و روسیه سخن می‌گویند، در این نوشتار چنین روندی را نه چرخشی محوری بلکه واکنشی پویا به گذار در نظام بین‌الملل، پویایی‌های سیاست داخلی و تحول‌های ژئوپلیتیکی محیط پیرامونی دو قدرت نوپدید اوراسیایی می‌دانیم. با بهره‌گیری از چارچوب مفهومی «مشارکت راهبردی» به مطالعۀ محدودیت‌های راهبردی در شکل‌دهی به مشارکت راهبردی پایدار میان دو قدرت اوراسیایی تجدیدنظرطلب در یک محیط جدید بین‌المللی و منطقه‌ای می‌پردازیم. در پاسخ به این پزسش که آیا ترکیه و روسیه می‌توانند به شریکان راهبردی یکدیگر تبدیل شوند؟ در این نوشتار این ایدۀ اصلی را مطرح می‌کنیم که نزدیکی راهبردی ترکیه و روسیه خروجی برهم‌کنش بازتوزیع قدرت و ثروت بین‌المللی، بحران در اتحاد فراآتلانتیکی، ژئوپلیتیک درحال تغییر منطقه‌ای و پویایی‌های سیاست داخلی ترکیه است و به‌ضرورت به‌معنای ظهور مشارکت راهبردی بین دو قدرت اوراسیایی در یک نظام بین‌الملل پساغربی نیست. هرچند شرایط نوین بین‌المللی بسترهای همگرایی ترکیه و روسیه را فراهم ساخته است، اما روابط دو کشور همچنان دارای عناصر مهمی از مناقشه و رقابت و متأثر از وضعیت روابط آن‌ها با غرب است. در این میان، نقش روابط نامتقارن اقتصادی، واگرایی راهبردی در حوزۀ انرژی، عاملیت ناپایدار رهبری اقتدارگرایانۀ پوتین و اردوغان و همچنین رقابت‌های ژئوپلیتیکی در معادلات در حال تغییر دریای سیاه، قفقاز جنوبی، شرق مدیترانه و خاورمیانه برجسته می‌شود.
Hamidreza Azizi, Vali Golmohammadi, and Amir Hossein Vazirian
Wiley
AbstractTwo years after withdrawing from the Iran nuclear deal, U.S. President Donald Trump's “maximum pressure” campaign has failed to change Iran's regional behavior, bring Tehran back to the negotiation table, curb its nuclear and missile programs, and counter Iran's proxy influence in the region. Instead, Iran has adopted a “maximum resistance” strategy to deal with Washington's pressure. According to the Neorealist school of thought in International Relations (IR), rising systemic or structural pressure on a given state is expected to alter its policies or even its regime. The case of Iran appears to challenge this expectation. This article suggests that Iran has adopted an “anti‐containment” strategy to deal with the U.S. pressure. The strategy is based on asymmetric deterrence, the main pillars of which are employing local allied forces and enhancing air and naval deterrence capabilities. Meanwhile, Iran's military–security establishment has gained the upper hand in dealing with the United States, sidelining the diplomatic apparatus. This situation bears the risk of a confrontation between Iran and the United States while leaving no space for meaningful diplomatic engagement.