Gaëlle MARINTHE

@univ-paris8.fr

Department of Psychology/Laboratoire Parisien de Psychologie Sociale
Université Paris 8

My work is in the field of social identity and intra- and inter-group relations. Primarily, it aims to understand what are the determinants of defensive or secure social identity (e.g., collective narcissism/secure identification, blind/constructive patriotism) and what are the consequences for attitudes towards the ingroup and its members, and towards outgroups. I am also interested in the moderators of these consequences (e.g., normative contexts, group status, threat perception).

EDUCATION

10/2015 – 01/2020: PhD in Social Psychology – University Rennes 2 (LP3C)
Defended on 07/01/2020, University Rennes 2
Title: Psychosocial approach of national symbols’ desecration: consequences on intergroup relations, implication of identification and patriotism
Supervisors: Rodolphe Kamiejski (Lecturer, Rennes 2 University); Benoit Testé (Professor, Rennes 2 University)
Thesis examiners: Constantina Badea (Professor, University Paris Nanterre University), Maja Becker (Lecturer, University Toulouse Jean Jaurès), Serge Guimond (Professor, University Clermont Auvergne)

2014-2015: Master’s degree – University Paris Nanterre
Dissertation title: Religion and Politics: Helping Intention, Ideologies and Intergroup Relations.
Supervisor: Rodolphe Kamiejski

RESEARCH INTERESTS

Social identity; collective narcissism; intragroup relations; intergroup relations; social identity threat

Scopus Publications

783

Scholar Citations

Scholar h-index

Scholar i10-index

Scopus Publications

Yes, we can (but for different reasons): Collective narcissism is linked to different values but similar pro-ingroup collective action tendencies among disadvantaged and advantaged ethnic groups
Gaëlle Marinthe, Aleksandra Cislak, Samantha Stronge, Mikey Biddlestone, Flavio Azevedo, Alice Kasper, Chris G. Sibley, and Aleksandra Cichocka
Wiley
AbstractCollective narcissism, a belief that one's group is exceptional and entitled to special treatment but underappreciated by others, is related to important social and political outcomes but has been predominantly studied in advantaged groups. The present research compares the motivational correlates (through values) of collective narcissism in ethnic groups of different status (advantaged and disadvantaged) and explores its associations with attitudes towards, and intention to engage in collective action. Three studies examined these processes in different national and intergroup contexts (total N = 16,275). Overall, ethnic collective narcissism was linked to self‐protective values (power, and less consistently, conservation) in advantaged groups but to universalism in disadvantaged groups. Moreover, in both advantaged and disadvantaged groups, ethnic collective narcissism was related to more positive attitudes towards, and intentions of pro‐ingroup actions but not to attitudes towards (other) disadvantaged groups (i.e., intergroup solidarity). These studies suggest that collective narcissism may be associated with different motivations, yet linked to similar intergroup attitudes among advantaged and disadvantaged groups.

Social judgement of defensive and secure social identities among advantaged and disadvantaged groups
Gaëlle Marinthe, Peggy Chekroun, Vincent Dru, Mélanie Kader-Issack, Clément Vallée, and Patrick Mollaret
SAGE Publications
This research integrates social judgement and social identity theories to examine evaluations of defensive (narcissistic) and secure social identity (vs. lack of identification) expressed by targets with varying group statuses (advantaged vs. disadvantaged). Across three studies (total N = 2,915), we manipulated target group status and forms of identity. In socioeconomic groups (Study 1), an advantaged target with a defensive identity was deemed assertive, while a disadvantaged counterpart was perceived as moral. Unexpectedly, in ethnocultural groups (Studies 2–3), the disadvantaged target expressing a defensive identity was judged equally or more assertive than the advantaged target. Notably, defensive identity from a disadvantaged target consistently garnered higher moral judgement than from an advantaged target. These results highlight that defensive identity can receive positive evaluations and confer elevated status. Nonetheless, we observed differential evaluation strategies depending on intergroup settings, suggesting system justification in socioeconomic groups versus ingroup favouritism in U.S. ethnic groups.

Collective action among the extremes? Relations between political ideology, political extremism, emotions, and collective action
Gaëlle Marinthe, Alice Kasper, Romain Veillé, and Fanny Lalot
Wiley
AbstractPast research has highlighted the central role of ideology and political values in collective action. This research aims to determine whether, in addition to political ideology, political extremism can promote collective action. Arguing that political extremism may promote political activism per se, independently of its ideological content, we hypothesized an asymmetric U‐shaped relationship between political ideology and collective action, with emotions (anger, fear, and hope) acting as mediators. We conducted two studies in the context of two real‐world social movements in France. Study 1 (N = 1386) examined collective action against COVID‐19 restrictions, a movement that defended typical right‐wing values. Study 2 (N = 418) examined collective action against pension reform, a movement that defended values typical of the left. In both studies, we found that the congruent political ideology (right‐wing in Study 1 and left‐wing in Study 2) and political extremism were both associated with greater intentions (Studies 1 and 2) and greater participation (Study 2) in collective action. Anger partially mediated the relationship between political extremism and collective action in both studies. Overall, our results call for considering political extremism in addition to the left/right dimension of political ideology in order to better understand engagement in collective action.

When Less Is More: Defensive National Identity Predicts Sacrifice of Ingroup Profit to Maximize the Difference Between Groups
Bjarki Gronfeldt, Aleksandra Cislak, Gaëlle Marinthe, and Aleksandra Cichocka
SAGE Publications
We propose that defensive forms of identity (i.e., nationalism and national narcissism) can harm the nation through a tendency to maximize the difference between own and other groups in resource allocation. We test this hypothesis by adopting a classic social psychological paradigm, the Tajfel’s matrices, to real-life scenarios designed in the COVID-19 context. We captured maximizing the difference as a preference for one’s nation being allocated more medical resources relative to other countries, but at the expense of absolute ingroup profit. In Studies 1 and 2, defensiveness in national identity predicted this counterproductive strategy that ultimately benefits neither ingroup nor outgroup. In experimental Study 3, inducing ingroup disadvantage led to a greater tendency to maximize the difference. The results provide evidence that defensive national identity might be liked to support for policies that offer a positive intergroup comparison, but simultaneously harm one’s own ingroup.

Predicting vaccination hesitancy: The role of basic needs satisfaction and institutional trust
Gaëlle Marinthe, Genavee Brown, Mioara Cristea, and Maja Kutlaca
Elsevier BV

Defensive national identity relates to support for collective violence, in contrast to secure national identity, in a sample of displaced Syrian diaspora members
Ramzi Abou-Ismail, Bjarki Gronfeldt, and Gaelle Marinthe
Elsevier BV

We're All the Same: Collective Narcissists' Cross- National Support for Putin and Russian Military Attacks
Genavee Brown and Gaëlle Marinthe
Ubiquity Press, Ltd.
National narcissism is associated with support for nationalist and anti-democratic leaders and decisions in one’s own country. We hypothesize that it might also relate to more favorable judgments of outgroup nationalist leaders and actions, even if the latter may pose a threat to the ingroup. Using the context of the Russian attack on Ukraine, we hypothesize that people with a higher level of national narcissism would be more supportive of Russian attacks, Russian President Vladimir Putin, and the Russian people. This may be due to a higher perception of belief similarity to Putin and Russians. We also considered the moderating role of the explicit target of the attack (Ukraine vs. ingroup). We tested our hypotheses in two studies (Study 1: N = 339 French; Study 2: N = 400 Americans). In both studies, national narcissism was related to a judgment of the attack (on Ukraine or the ingroup) as less immoral and to a better opinion of Putin. These effects were mediated by perceived belief similarity. In both studies however, these less negative judgments of the attack and of Putin did not extend to Russian people. Our results highlight that national narcissists are inclined to support a nationalist outgroup leader and their violent actions, although these may ultimately harm the ingroup.

Mobilising IDEAS in the COVID-19 Pandemic: Anti-Lockdown Actions and the Identity-Deprivation-Efficacy-Action-Subjective Well-Being Model
Fanny Lalot, Gaëlle Marinthe, Alice Kasper, and Dominic Abrams
Leibniz Institute for Psychology (ZPID)
We tested how well the Identity-Deprivation-Efficacy-Action-Subjective-wellbeing (IDEAS) model predicts citizens’ intentions to engage in collective action opposing their government, and their subjective well-being. Representative samples from Scotland, Wales, and the county of Kent in England were surveyed during the COVID-19 pandemic in October 2020 (N = 1,536). Results largely support our preregistered hypotheses, confirming that the IDEAS model offers a valid explanatory framework for how relative deprivation predicts both collective action opposing one’s government and levels of subjective well-being. In the case of collective action, there were significant effects of collective relative deprivation (cognitive and affective) and collective efficacy on social change beliefs, which in turn positively predicted collective action intentions. The role of national identification was more nuanced, revealing both negative indirect effects via collective efficacy and relative deprivation, and a positive indirect effect via political orientation. Findings also suggest interesting directions for future research on national identification.

Don’t burn our flag: patriotism, perceived threat, and the impact of desecrating a national symbol on intergroup attitudes
Gaëlle Marinthe, Benoit Testé, and Rodolphe Kamiejski
Springer Science and Business Media LLC
AbstractDesecration of national symbols is a recurring societal phenomenon that can lead to highly defensive reactions from some citizens, especially on the part of those expressing a strong attachment to the nation. In this paper, we investigated the effects of blind and constructive patriotism when faced with an ingroup (vs. outgroup) national flag burning on ingroup bias, taking into consideration the mediating role of perceived threat. In two studies (N = 252), the level of blind patriotism predicted stronger ingroup bias—due to more negative evaluation of visible minorities and/or more positive evaluation of the ingroup—when another ingroup member burnt an ingroup (vs. outgroup) flag. This effect was partly mediated by a greater threat to the group’s image perceived by blindly patriotic people when the ingroup (vs. outgroup) flag was burnt (Study 2). Study 2 also highlighted a main effect of the symbol: ingroup bias was stronger when the ingroup (vs. outgroup) flag was burnt. We discuss the implications of our findings with respect to the role played by modes of national attachment and the consequences of desecrating symbols.

Understanding identity processes in support for reactionary and progressive social movements among advantaged and disadvantaged groups: The role of collective narcissism and secure ingroup identity
Gaëlle Marinthe, Aleksandra Cichocka, Aleksandra Cislak, Natasha Alexander‐Grose, and Flavio Azevedo
Wiley

Antecedents and consequences of COVID-19 conspiracy beliefs: A systematic review
Valerie van Mulukom, Lotte J. Pummerer, Sinan Alper, Hui Bai, Vladimíra Čavojová, Jessica Farias, Cameron S. Kay, Ljiljana B. Lazarevic, Emilio J.C. Lobato, Gaëlle Marinthe,et al.
Elsevier BV

“The Chinese Virus”: How COVID-19’s Transmission Context and Fear Affect Negative Attitudes Toward Chinese People
Genavee Brown and Gaelle Marinthe
American Psychological Association (APA)

MALLEABILITY OF LAÏCITÉ: PEOPLE WITH HIGH SOCIAL DOMINANCE ORIENTATION USE LAÏCITÉ TO LEGITIMIZE PUBLIC PRAYER BY CATHOLICS BUT NOT BY MUSLIMS

Investigating the identification-prejudice link through the lens of national narcissism: The role of defensive group beliefs
Paul Bertin, Gaëlle Marinthe, Mikey Biddlestone, and Sylvain Delouvée
Elsevier BV

Do it for others! The role of family and national group social belongingness in engaging with COVID-19 preventive health behaviors
Gaëlle Marinthe, Genavee Brown, Thibault Jaubert, and Peggy Chekroun
Elsevier BV

Looking out for myself: Exploring the relationship between conspiracy mentality, perceived personal risk, and COVID-19 prevention measures
Gaëlle Marinthe, Genavee Brown, Sylvain Delouvée, and Daniel Jolley
Wiley
Objectives This research examined how conspiracy mentality may affect compliance with preventive health measures necessary to fight the COVID‐19 pandemic, and the underlying motivations to comply. Design and Method We conducted two cross‐sectional studies (Study 1 N = 762, Study 2 N = 229) on a French population, measuring conspiracy mentality, compliance with preventive health measures, and perceived risks related to COVID‐19. We also measured motivations to comply with preventive measures in Study 2. Results We show that people high in conspiracy mentality are likely to engage in non‐normative prevention behaviours (Study 1), but are less willing to comply with extreme preventive behaviours that are government‐driven (Study 2). However, we demonstrate that a perceived risk to oneself (risk of death) and a motivation to protect oneself can act as a suppressor: Conspiracy mentality is linked with an increase in the perception of risk to oneself, which, in turn, is associated with normative compliance. We also find that perceived risk of death explains the relationship between conspiracy mentality and non‐normative prevention behaviours. Conclusions Our studies showcase how people high in conspiracy theorizing may (dis)engage with prevention behaviours, but that perceived risk and motivation to protect oneself could increase these individuals’ compliance.

Flags on fire: Consequences of a national symbol’s desecration for intergroup relations
Gaëlle Marinthe, Juan Manuel Falomir-Pichastor, Benoit Testé, and Rodolphe Kamiejski
SAGE Publications
Desecrating a national symbol is a powerful means of protest or of showing antipathy for a national group, but how do such actions impact ingroup favoritism? We investigated this issue via two field studies conducted prior to the France versus Ireland (Study 1, N = 72) and France versus Germany (Study 2, N = 165) matches at the Euro 2016 soccer tournament. We asked French participants to imagine the ingroup/competition outgroup flag being burnt by ingroup/competition outgroup perpetrators. Imagining the ingroup flag being burnt increased proingroup bias through increase in either ingroup favoritism (Study 1) or outgroup derogation (for all outgroups, including those unconnected with the threat; Study 2). Perpetrators’ group membership did not have the expected moderating effect. We discuss the implications of these results for social identity defense strategies and for the consequences of intragroup versus intergroup threats.

RECENT SCHOLAR PUBLICATIONS

Collective action among the extremes? Relations between political ideology, political extremism, emotions, and collective action
G Marinthe, A Kasper, R Veill, F Lalot
Political Psychology 2025

Social Judgement of Defensive and Secure Social Identities Among Advantaged and Disadvantaged Groups
G Marinthe, P Chekroun, V Dru, M Kader-Issack, C Valle, P Mollaret
Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 2025

Yes, we can (but for different reasons): Collective narcissism is linked to different values but similar pro‐ingroup collective action tendencies among disadvantaged and
G Marinthe, A Cislak, S Stronge, M Biddlestone, F Azevedo, A Kasper, ...
British Journal of Social Psychology 64 (1), e12790 2025

Predicting vaccination hesitancy: The role of basic needs satisfaction and institutional trust
G Marinthe, G Brown, M Cristea, M Kutlaca
Vaccine 42 (16), 3592-3600 2024

Defensive national identity relates to support for collective violence, in contrast to secure national identity, in a sample of displaced Syrian diaspora members
R Abou-Ismail, B Gronfeldt, G Marinthe
International Journal of Intercultural Relations 99, 101954 2024

We’re All the Same: Collective Narcissists’ Cross-National Support for Putin and Russian Military Attacks
G Brown, G Marinthe
International Review of Social Psychology 37 (1) 2024

When Less is More: Defensive National Identity Predicts Sacrifice of Ingroup Profit to Maximise the Difference Between Groups
B Gronfeldt, A Cislak, G Marinthe, A Cichocka
Social Psychological and Personality Science 2023

Mobilising IDEAS in the COVID-19 Pandemic: Anti-Lockdown Actions and the Identity-Deprivation-Efficacy-Action-Subjective Well-Being Model
F Lalot, G Marinthe, A Kasper, D Abrams
Journal of Social and Political Psychology 11 (1), 145-166 2023

Understanding identity processes in support for reactionary and progressive social movements among advantaged and disadvantaged groups: The role of collective narcissism and
G Marinthe, A Cichocka, A Cislak, N Alexander‐Grose, F Azevedo
European Journal of Social Psychology 52 (7), 1047-1063 2022

“The Chinese virus”: How COVID-19’s transmission context and fear affect negative attitudes toward Chinese people.
G Brown, G Marinthe
Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology 28 (2), 162 2022

Antecedents and consequences of COVID-19 conspiracy beliefs: A systematic review
V van Mulukom, LJ Pummerer, S Alper, H Bai, V Čavojov, J Farias, ...
Social Science & Medicine, 114912 2022

Malleability of Lacit: People with High Social Dominance Orientation Use Lacit to Legitimize Public Prayer by Catholics but not by Muslims
M Cohu, G Marinthe, A Kasper, B Test, C Maisonneuve
Current Research in Social Psychology 31 2022

Investigating the identification-prejudice link through the lens of national narcissism: The role of defensive group beliefs
P Bertin, G Marinthe, M Biddlestone, S Delouve
Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 98, 104252 2022

Do it for others! The role of family and national group social belongingness in engaging with COVID-19 preventive health behaviors
G Marinthe, G Brown, T Jaubert, P Chekroun
Journal of experimental social psychology 98, 104241 2022

Don’t Burn our Flag: Patriotism, Perceived Threat, and the Impact of Desecrating a National Symbol on Intergroup Attitudes
G Marinthe, B Test, R Kamiejski
Current Psychology 2021

Flags on fire: Consequences of a national symbol’s desecration for intergroup relations
G Marinthe, JM Falomir-Pichastor, B Test, R Kamiejski
Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 23 (5), 744-760 2020

Approche psycho-sociale des dgradations de symboles nationaux: consquences sur les relations intergroupes, implication de l’identification et des patriotismes
G Marinthe
Universit Rennes 2 2020

Looking out for Myself: Exploring the Relationship Between Conspiracy Mentality, Perceived
G Marinthe, G Brown, S Delouve, D Jolley
British Journal of Health Psychology 2020

Touche pas mon drapeau! Rle des patriotismes dans l’hypersensibilit l’atteinte un symbole national et implications pour les relations intergroupes.
G Marinthe, R Kamiejski, B Test
Actes du 14ime Colloque Jeunes Chercheurs en Psychologie Sociale de l

MOST CITED SCHOLAR PUBLICATIONS

Antecedents and consequences of COVID-19 conspiracy beliefs: A systematic review
V van Mulukom, LJ Pummerer, S Alper, H Bai, V Čavojov, J Farias, ...
Social Science & Medicine, 114912 2022
Citations: 402

Looking out for Myself: Exploring the Relationship Between Conspiracy Mentality, Perceived
G Marinthe, G Brown, S Delouve, D Jolley
British Journal of Health Psychology 2020
Citations: 202

Understanding identity processes in support for reactionary and progressive social movements among advantaged and disadvantaged groups: The role of collective narcissism and
G Marinthe, A Cichocka, A Cislak, N Alexander‐Grose, F Azevedo
European Journal of Social Psychology 52 (7), 1047-1063 2022
Citations: 28

Don’t Burn our Flag: Patriotism, Perceived Threat, and the Impact of Desecrating a National Symbol on Intergroup Attitudes
G Marinthe, B Test, R Kamiejski
Current Psychology 2021
Citations: 9

We’re All the Same: Collective Narcissists’ Cross-National Support for Putin and Russian Military Attacks
G Brown, G Marinthe
International Review of Social Psychology 37 (1) 2024
Citations: 4

Predicting vaccination hesitancy: The role of basic needs satisfaction and institutional trust
G Marinthe, G Brown, M Cristea, M Kutlaca
Vaccine 42 (16), 3592-3600 2024
Citations: 2

Approche psycho-sociale des dgradations de symboles nationaux: consquences sur les relations intergroupes, implication de l’identification et des patriotismes
G Marinthe
Universit Rennes 2 2020
Citations: 2

GRANT DETAILS

2022: Grant obtained in the campaign of AAP Recherche 2022 of the ComUE Université Paris Lumières, for the project "VALeur sociale des Identités DÉfensive et Sécure (VALIDÉS) [Social value of defensive and secure identities]". Awarded amount: 8,608€.
Project leader: Gaëlle Marinthe. Collaborators: Peggy Chekroun (University Paris Nanterre), Vincent Dru (University Paris Nanterre), Patrick Mollaret (University Paris 8)

2019: Mobility grant from the Rennes doctoral pole for participation in the ISPP conference in Lisbon. Awarded amount: 500 €.

2016: Mobility grant from ADRIPS for a doctoral research internship at the University of Geneva. Awarded amount: 900 €.